The Matter is Closed

At times, with regards to the day to day dealings of the Dáil, it is easy to forget that away from all the squabbling there are underlying structural voids to be filled. Alex Garine (LPT at-large) luckily stepped up to the plate, with his Speakers 'cap' on, and submitted the Rules of Procedure bill. The bill is fundamentally the same as the pre-constitution Dáil Code of Conduct which set out various structural guidelines with relation to the submission and processing of legislation. So then what is it about this bill that caused a minor stir, in true Tománnach style?

The answer lies in article 2.2 which relates to the manner in which the bills are voted upon by Dáil members. The article states:

2.2 A vote must be conducted in public, and ballots may not be secret.

This goes against the former Dáil protocol. Previously Dáil ministers were protected by complete anonymity when it came to voting for bills. It was always seen as a necessity to allow ministers to not be forced by their parties to undertake a vote which goes against there own political conscience. When Mark Prendergast (DLP at-large) first responded to this by proposing an amendment to the bill he was met with opposition initially from Garine. Later Vindrus York (NFP at-large) stepped in, continuing on his current crusade for greater accountability from government, saying:

If the government has nothing to hide from the people or the opposition, then public votes will force accountability to our representatives.

Following York's comments, Prendergast continued to battle on. It was only a matter of time until Prendergast, along with the Communist Party and Democratic Labour Party, all voted in favour of an amendment. So it is that under the rules that Garine has laid out the bill must be amended.

Prendergast upon receipt of the news that things had gone in his favour in the Dáil delivered this comment to the Independent:

This was a victory for freedom of ministers conscience and a strong indication that party loyalty will not take precedence to doing what's right for the people of Talamthom. After having successfully argued through this amendment to the bill despite staunch opposition from Messrs Garine and York.

No doubt this will add fuel to the current campaign of Mr York and the NFP to prize open the government and subject ministers to increased checks. With this said, the President has extended the hand of friendship to the NFP saying if they wish to conduct an enquiry into anything at all in Talamthom, he would be willing to assist them and answer any questions. The offer remains.

President Hosts Article 11 Discussion

In attempt to inspire constructive debate following recent events involving the now withdrawn National Unity Act, President O'Ceallaigh hosted an out of hours informal discussion at the Presidential Palace. The attention of the debate focused firmly on Article 11 of the constitution and what some parties are calling the 'special status afforded to the minority'. The Ministers in attendance were Vindrus York (NFP), Alex Garine (LPT) and David Redstone (DLP).

The discussion was based around York's issues with the constitutional Article 11 that he had raised with the President in private. Article 11 is designed to define the powers of the Tománn Republic of East Fealsamthom, a special administrative region of Talamthom in the south. During the debate there was no clear 'peace deal' hammered out as the President may have expected but Garine worked hard to try and remove the doubt from the mind of the NFP leader. At the debate, in addition to the whole 'equality debate', York mentioned that he felt there wasn't enough defined in the constitution to control foreign affairs and military presence in the small 'Republic'. Garine tried to rid York's mind of doubt but to no avail this time. It is expected that a similar 'informal' debate will take place in the not to distant future.

Talamthom Extends Her Boundaries

In a move started by President Thomas O'Ceallaigh prior to the December elections, Talamthom has agreed the leasing of territory from the Chinese Soviet Republic. The territory is roughly half of the area that is referred to by the Chinese as the Tibetan Autonomous Region. The deal sees Talamthom leasing southern Tibet for an initial three-month term starting from the 11th January until the 11th April. The territory is to be known as Tománn Indo-China.

The territory is intended to be a cultural expedition as much as it is a mission to increase Talamthom's power and size. In the region there has been set up a Governor's Office in Potela Palace, the former home of the Dalai Lamas, to conduct affairs between the President's Office in Baile na hAlainn and the territory. In the interim until the passing of the Tománn Indo-China Act by the Dáil, Edgard Portela of the NFP has been appointed Governor. In addition to this there has been established the Tibetan Cultural Association which is being funded by the West Fealsamthom University which intends to discover and make public as much information as possible about the region, and the Potela Hill Football Stadium which is due to hold the Tománn Inter-Regional Football Competition in February.

The terms of the lease agreement for the territory were agreed upon by the presidents of both Talamthom and China in a document called 'The Treaty of Lhasa'. Towards the end of last week O'Ceallaigh put the Tománn Indo-China Act forward in the Dáil which sets out Tománnach governance guidelines and also includes the Treaty of Lhasa and the Tibetan Cultural Association Constitution in the appendices. It is hoped by both the President and the Governor of Indo-China that the the act will pass with relative ease.

For those interested in visiting the region you currently have to get a flight to Beijing in the Chinese Soviet Republic and travel to Indo-China from there. Alternatively you can get there via the Gateway to Tománn Indo-China service provided by Aer Lingus that operates out of Talamthom.

York: I Will Cancel My Acts!

In a shock move just days after their proposal, Vindrus York has stated he wishes to cancel not just the controversial National Unity Act but also the popular Talamthom Military Act. York said in a statement in the Dáil:

"There is much confusion over DT2005-006 (Unity of the Republic Act); therefore I will cancel the bill from parliament. Also, I will cancel DT2005-005 (Armed Forces Act) as well. As a member of the opposition, I must remember that I am not an equal partner here in parliament. I must remind myself that it is the ruling government that controls the agenda, not members of the opposition. The lopsided majority of the 'Left' makes it difficult to submit or even have legislation passed that I proposed. Everything I touch, I will be labeled as a right wing reactionary. I must remember this at all times. Frankly, I must continue to watch what I say or do."

York then goes on to cite precedent as the main cause for the withdrawal of the bills from parliament despite the fact that there was no objection to Military Act from any party within the Dáil or outside the Dáil. At this point in time it is unsure whether it is possible for a minister to just cancel an act as there are no provisions within the constitution to refer to. It is generally understood that the President will be intervening to prevent any cancellation of the Military Act. Following a turbulent few days of debate York has apparently gone to relax at his manor in Angelsey, Mainistir.

President Kelly Slams National Unity Bill

President O'Ceallaigh has today slammed the National Unity Bill for its blatant disregard of Talamthom's history and its deep federalist solutions to 'The East Fealsamthom Question". The bill put forward by Vindrus York (NFP At-Large) sees the proposal of Article 11 of the Tománnach Constitution being deleted entirely.

Vindrus York had declared in a press conference at NFP headquarters prior to the submission of the act to the Dáil:

"The East Fealsamthom should not be entitled to 'special rights' in the constitution, WE are one nation not separate entities. If Article 11 is allowed for EF, then other counties, for example Mainistir, should be guaranteed special status as well."

Upon notification of this statement of intent from the NFP leader, the President cut short his lunch break to send a short response stating:

"There is no precedent for Mainistiri separatism. It is the historical home of the Tománnach Christians. East Fealsamthom historically, following the Civil War in the south between the Kings Army and the MSR Forces, has had a different complexion that predates Talamthom's existence as a Republic. Of course though you are free to disagree with Article 11 all you wish as we are a democracy."

The bill is expected to receive some support, albeit limited, from Kevin Gladstone. Gladstone since his departure from the DLP post-election has proclaimed himself to be an 'Independent Liberal Unionist' as is opposed to article 11 of the constitution providing what he sees as 'special status for a minority within the republic'. Gladstone's work has centred around the 'Anglo-Tománn enclave' of Dun Fhyla where he continues to work for what he believes is an inequality between those of English or British decent and those of Tománn-Eireánnach decent.

York was believed to have finally accepted the fact that East Fealsamthom had been reestablished as a special autonomous region, but this latest activity doesn't bode well for those looking for a quiet term. The bill is widely expected to fail within the Dáil and has already faced fierce criticism from the former Prime Minister Mark Prendergast (DLP At-Large) and Labour leader Alex Garine (LPT At-Large). At the time of going to press we are awaiting comment from Gladstone and the Communist Party.

National Military Act is a Success

In what is generally believed to be the best ever move in his political career, Vindrus York, the leader of the National Freedom Party, has put forward a bill to reinvigorate the Tománn Armed Forces. The last time Talamthom had any significant military was during the 'civil war' between The Kings Army and the communist forces of Konstantin Attaman in the south of the country. After the establishment of the Republic, Talamthom has been relying on local government-sponsored militia and foreign assistance.

In the bill, York sets out not only the simple aspects of a military such as defining the role of Commander in Cheif and the minimum age at which you are able to join, but also mor intricate details. One such example of the intricacy is the banning of ministers from being involved in any defence contracts. There will under the terms of the bill also have to be Dáil consultation before the military can purchase foreign parts and machinery. The bill looks to be a great success and will be dealt with following the establishment of some clear rules of procedure in the Dáil.